The month of April has been designated Sexual Assault Awareness Month (SAAM) in the United States. The goal of SAAM is to raise public awareness about sexual violence and to educate communities and individuals on how to prevent sexual violence. http://www.nsvrc.org/saam/sexual-assault-awareness-month-home The 2013 Sexual Assault Awareness Month (SAAM) campaign focuses on healthy sexuality and child sexual abuse prevention. This April, join the conversation. Start talking about healthy childhood development to prevent child sexual abuse.
April is Sexual Assault Awareness Month Get involved! Recognized and sanctioned by Congress, April 2010 will mark the 23rd anniversary of National Sexual Violence Awareness and Prevention Month. This month is a time for us to raise awareness about the unique impact that sexual violence has on all of us. It gives us an opportunity to take dramatic positive action to end sexual violence. For national information, visit SAAM.
People are preparing to light their menorahs for the first time Sunday night, making it the perfect opportunity to curl up with, as Adam Sandler sings, a "gin and tonic-ah" and learn about Hanukkah.
Sunday marks the first night of the holiday, also known as the Festival of Lights. For the next eight days, Jewish people will gather with friends and family to light their menorahs and remember a miracle that God performed thousands of years earlier.
When Antiochus IV Epiphanes ruled Judea, the land known today as Israel, he outlawed the Jewish religion and ordered everyone to worship Greek gods. After his soldiers marched into Jerusalem, they desecrated the Second Temple and erected an idol.
To fight back against the oppression, a group of people known as the Maccabees banded together. Led by Judah, the son of Mattathias, a local leader in Modi'in, they were successful in their revolt against the king's much more powerful army and reclaimed Jerusalem.
When the Maccabees returned to the destroyed temple, Judah ordered it to be rebuilt and for the menorah to be lit once again. Despite having untainted oil to light the menorah for only one night, they lit it anyway. Miraculously, the menorah remained lit for eight days.
Now, Hanukkah serves as a reminder of God's miracle and the Maccabees' victory over their oppressors, despite the enormous odds against them. Starting on Sunday, people will light their menorahs, adding one additional candle for each subsequent night until all eight are burning on the last night of Hanukkah. Along with lighting the menorah, which is usually placed in a window or a spot in the home where it can be observed from outside, people often eat latkes, potato pancakes they fry in oil, reminiscent of the oil that burned for eight days.
A Christian holiday honoring the birth of Jesus Christ, Christmas evolved over two millennia into a worldwide religious and secular celebration, incorporating many pre-Christian, pagan traditions into the festivities along the way. Today, Christmas is a time for family and friends to get together and exchange gifts.
Before 1850 many US citizens did not dream of Christmas at all. Penne Restad tells how and why this changed – and played its role in uniting the States in social cohesion.
Eastman Johnson (American painter, 1824-1906) Christmas Time the Blodgett Family 1864 DetailThe Christmas that Americans celebrate today seems like a timeless weaving of custom and feeling beyond the reach of history. Yet the familiar mix of carols, cards, presents, trees, multiplicities of Santas and holiday neuroses that have come to define December 25th in the United States is little more than a hundred years old.
Americans did not even begin to conceive of Christmas as a national holiday until the middle of the last century. Like many other such 'inventions of tradition', the creation of an American Christmas was a response to social and personal needs that arose at a particular point in history, in this case a time of sectional conflict and civil war, as well as the unsettling processes of urbanization and industrialization. The holiday's new customs and meanings helped the nation to make sense of the confusions of the era and to secure, if only for a short while each year, a soothing feeling of unity.
In colonial times, Americans of different sects and different national origins kept the holiday (or did not) in ways they carried over from the Old World, Puritans, for instance, attempted to ignore Christmas because the Bible was silent on the topic. Virginia planters took the occasion to feast, dance, gamble, hunt and visit, perpetuating what they believed to be the old Christmas customs in English manors. Even as late as the early nineteenth century, many Americans, churched or unchurched, northerners or southerners, hardly took notice of the holiday at all.
By mid-century, however, new conditions had begun to undercut local customs and create needs for common and visible celebrations. Communication and transportation revolutions made once isolated parts of the country acutely aware of each other. Immigration vastly widened the ethnic and religious pluralism that had been a part of American settlement from its beginning. Moral, political and economic tensions mounted among east, west and south, raising new questions about the nature of the Union itself. Science challenged religion. New wealth and larger markets superseded old. Population swelled. The pace of life accelerated.
The swirl of change caused many to long for an earlier time, one in which they imagined that old and good values held sway in cohesive and peaceful communities. It also made them reconsider the notion of 'community' in larger terms, on a national scale, but modelled on the ideal of a family gathered at the hearth. At this cross-roads of progress and nostalgia, Americans found in Christmas a holiday that ministered to their needs. The many Christmases celebrated across the land began to resolve into a more singular and widely celebrated home holiday.
This new 'revived Christmas of our time' afforded a retreat from the dizzying realities of contemporary life, but cast in contemporary terms. Americans varied old themes and wove new symbols into the received fabric to create something definitively their own. The 'American' holiday enveloped the often contradictory strains of commercialism and artisanship, as well as nostalgia and faith in progress, that defined late nineteenth-century culture. Its relative lack of theological or Biblical authority – what had made it anathema to the Puritans – ironically allowed Christmas to emerge as a highly ecumenical event in a land of pluralism. It became a moment of idealized national self-definition.
Not surprisingly, the strongest impetus for such a holiday came from those areas most profoundly affected by the various social, economic and technological revolutions of the antebellum era. Especially in the northern cities, where the intimacies of village and town culture had been most forcefully challenged by city and factory, the felt need for more explicit symbols of common purpose and shared. past grew first. A number of writers came to see holidays as a tool to meet these ends and even to forge a. national culture. New Year's Eve, the Fourth of July and, especially, Thanksgiving had their merits and partisans, but Christmas emerged as the most logical and affecting choice. By the 1850s, it had captured the Northern imagination and was making inroads in the South.
The Civil War intensified Christmas' appeal. Its sentimental celebration of family matched the yearnings of soldiers and those they left behind. Its message of peace and goodwill spoke to the most immediate prayers of all Americans. Yet northern victory in 1865 as much as the war situation itself determined the popularity and shape of the America's Christmas. Now unchallenged in the sphere of national myth-making and in control of the publishing trade, customs and symbols of Yankee origin and preference came to stand for the American Christmas.
We can see this as a broad and unified development only in retrospect. More interesting is the way details of the holiday appeared through accident and personal genius. Each custom had its own history, and only over time merged with others to create a full-blown, national holiday.
As early as 1832, Harriet Martineau had identified what would become one of the most familiar symbols of the American Christmas. She had 'little doubt' that the Christmas tree would 'become one of the most flourishing exotics of New England'. By the 1850s, many Americans, not just New Englanders, had fallen in love with the German custom. Some had seen Christmas trees for the first time when they had toured Germany and then recreated their experience of German Christmas celebrations for friends at home. Others viewed them first-hand in the homes of German Americans. The media introduced the custom even more widely, inspiring Americans throughout the nation to adopt the tradition as their own.
As the tree gained prominence in front parlours, it also assumed a place in the market. During the 1850s, town squares began to bristle with trees cut for seasonable profits. Seamlessly, the 'German-ness' of the tree receded as it became an icon of an American festival and, to some, an index of acculturation. Even in the homes of 'the Hebrew brethren', 'Christmas trees bloomed', noted a Philadelphia newspaper in 18'77. '[T]he little ones of Israel were as happy over them as Christian children'. By 1900, one American in five was estimated to have a Christmas tree.
At first, the decoration of these fragrant evergreens reflected the whim of folk tradition. Celebrants added nuts, strings of popcorn or beads, oranges, lemons, candies and home-made trinkets. However, widely-read newspapers and ladies' magazines raised the standards for ornamentation. (One suggestion: cotton batting dipped in thin gum arabic then diamond dust made a 'beautiful frosting' for tree branches.) Homely affectations gave way to more uniform and sophisticated ones, the old style overtaken by the urge to make the tree a showpiece for the artistic arrangement of 'glittering baubles, the stars, angels, etc'.
Tree decoration soon became big business. As early as 1870, American businessmen began to import large quantities of ornaments from Ger- many to be sold on street corners and, later, in toy shops and variety stores. Vendors hawked glass ornaments and balls in bright colours, tin cut in all imaginable shapes and wax angels with spun glass wings. 'So many charming little ornaments can now be bought ready to decorate Christmas trees that it seems almost a waste of time to make them at home', one advertisement declared.
The rise of Christmas cards revealed other aspects of the new holiday's profile. R.H. Pease, a printer and variety store owner who lived in Albany, New York, distributed the first American-made Christmas card in the early 1850s. A family scene dominated the small card's centre, but unlike its English forerunner (itself only a decade older), the images on each of its four corners made no allusion to poverty, cold, or hunger. Instead, pictures of Santa, reindeer, dancers and an array of Christmas presents and Christmas foods suggested the bounty and joys of the season.
It took Louis Prang, a recent German immigrant and astute reader of public taste, to expand the sending of cards to a grand scale. Prang arrived in America in 1850 and soon made a name as a printer. By 1870, he owned perhaps two-thirds of the steam presses in America and had perfected the colour printing process of chromolithography. After distributing his trade cards by the thousands at an international exposition in 1873, the wife of his London agent suggested he add a Christmas greeting to them. When Prang introduced these new cards into the United States in 1.8?5, they proved such a hit that he could not meet demand.
Behind Prang's delight in profits lay a certain idealism. He saw his cards as small, affordable works of art. Through them he hoped to stimulate popular interest in original decorative art and to educate public taste. In 1880, Prang began to sponsor annual competitions for Christmas card designs to promote these ends. These contests made Christmas cards so popular that other card manufacturers entered the market. By 1890, cheap imitations from his native Germany drove Prang from the Christmas card market entirely.
Whatever Prang's plans for democratising art in his accepted land, the advent of Christmas cards in the marketplace soon served functions in keeping with the increasing pace and essential nature of American society. In a hurried and mobile nation, more and more Americans resorted to cards instead of honouring the older custom of writing Christmas letters or making personal holiday visits. The cards' ready-made sentiments drew together friends and families spread across a rapidly expanding national geography, making them a staple of December’s mail. 'I thought last year would be the end of the Christmas card mania, but I don't think so now', one postal official complained in 1882. 'Why four years ago a Christmas card was a rare thing. The public then got the mania and the business seems to be getting larger every year'.
Christmas cards also made modest but suitable presents. '[W]orn out from choosing gifts' for old friends and school mates, one writer noted, 'we usually fall back on Christmas cards, which constitute one of the most precious and at the same time inexpensive contributions of these latter days to the neglected cause of sentiment'.
Decorated trees and cards, however, were only window dressing to the custom of Christmas gift-giving that blossomed in the 1870s and 1880s. Gifts had played a relatively modest role in Christmases of the past. Now they lavishly gilded the already popular holiday. Clearly a product of the new world of commerce and consumerism, Christmas presents also served more subtle ends. The getting and giving of gifts provided a means of grappling with jarring social change. Through personal gifts, Americans mediated the fragile relationships of an increasingly fragmented society. Through charitable gifts, they sought at least symbolic solutions to the problems of extreme economic inequality that threatened social peace and individual con- science. Gift-giving itself became controversial, sometimes perceived as a worrisome, materialistic perversion of a holy day.
Such fear has not stemmed the growth of Christmas commerce. Indeed, by our own day, Christmas gift-giving has become the single most important sector of the consumer economy. No wonder that some have read backwards in time to make the new Christmas almost a conspiracy of retailers. Yet evidence suggests that the transition to a Christmas economy occurred only gradually, with both merchant and consumer acting as architects. In the 1820s, '30s and '40s merchants had noticed the growing role of gifts in the celebration of Christmas and New Year. Starting in the mid- to late- 1850s, imaginative importers, craftspersons and storekeepers consciously reshaped the holidays to their own ends even as shoppers elevated the place of Christmas gifts in their home holiday. However, for all the efforts of businessmen to exploit the season. Americans persistently attempted to separate the influence of commerce from the gifts they gave.
What emerged was a kind of dialogue between consumers and merchants. Many gift-givers, for instance, ranked handmade gifts over purchased or totally manufactured ones. Retailers responded by marketing partially assembled goods to which givers applied the finishing touches. Americans also moderated the relationship between commerce and giving by wrapping the gifts they gave. The custom had once been merely to give a gift unadorned and uncovered, but a present hidden in paper heightened the effect of the gesture, fixing the act of giving to a moment of revelation. Wrapping also helped designate an item as a gift. As gifts came increasingly from stores, factories and homes of cottage labourers, paper and string helped redefine an object to meet its social use. The commercial work comprehended the importance of this symbolic transformation of goods. Grander stores began to wrap gifts purchased from their stock in distinctive, coloured papers, tinsel cords and bright ribbons, as part of their delivery services. Thus, while paper might have blurred a present's association with commerce in some cases, in others it advertised a material status associated with patronizing the 'right' store.
The spiralling custom of giving and petting gifts did not simply reflect the materialism of the age. The felt need to demonstrate kinship ties and communal bonds more vividly helped to insure the importance of Christmas gifts. Some scholars have explored the important role that kinship plays in determining the value of an object. In what one observer has called our 'materials-intensive way of life', gifts often serve as 'social statement'. Given within families, another has commented, gifts 'provide continuity in one's life and across generations'. The Gilded Age, a time of particularly challenging social and economic upheaval, underlined the importance of family ties even as it threatened them. Gifts symbolized and helped secure these important relationships. The magazine Harper's gave early voice to the link between gifts and givers in 1856: 'Love is the moral of Christmas ... What are gifts but the proof and signs of love'!'
Charity functioned in a related manner, but more as a symbolic, cathartic exercise in selflessness. The same social changes that fostered gift- giving as a means of reinforcing familial and social attachments at the private level also inspired charitable gifts as a way of declaring, if only symbolically, a unity and safety in society that extended even to the most impoverished. It was but one more large step to extend those good feelings and generosity to the homeless, hungry and unemployed, and to target Christmas as the time for the amelioration of those conditions (or at least the assuaging of guilt over them). 'Nowhere in Christendom are the poor remembered at Christmastide so generously as they are in American cities, especially our own,' the New York Tribune contended.
In their comprehension of poverty and its solutions, most Americans moved little beyond Ebenezer Scrooge's personally fulfilling but ultimately narrow patronage. Their sentimentalization of 'worthy paupers' at Christmas time, especially virtuous but destitute women and vagabonds children, did not question the essential goodness of the market economy that had, directly and indirectly, produced the poverty. As in Dickens' evocation of charity, the rich man escaped condemnation if he recognized that his money meant little compared to his responsibility to humanity. That truth perceived and acted upon in highly public, seemingly generous fashion, the wealthy man could make his peace.
In this glow of self-congratulation, Americans persisted in seeing poor relief as a matter of individual action to be undertaken on much the same terms as gift-giving within the circle of family. The best and largest gifts, of course, went to those closest to the circle's centre. Lesser gifts, in descending order of value, went to relatives and acquaintances of decreasing importance. The deserving poor, as the outermost members of the larger community, received gifts too, though often the least valuable and certainly the least personal of all. An 1894 advertisement for Best and Company illustrated the hierarchy. It suggested that 'while busy buying "things for Christmas'" the shopper might think of other children who are 'less fortunate than your own'. For them, the store advised that 'a gift of serviceable clothing', chosen from its special group of marked-down goods, 'would be more than welcome'.
This material means of salvation indicated a broader truth about Christmas and its gifts. In a world dominated by commerce, one important ritual of grace was spending money on others. Indeed, charity and gifts, and the increasingly munificent expenditures on them, emphasized the relationship between affluence, which many saw as a reward from God, and Christian duty. Mixing traditional Protestant and American doctrines of individualism with the newer vision of Social Darwinism, many in the Christian community felt that American prosperity was proof and extension of God-ordained success, a link confirmed by Christmas giving.
If gifts became the currency of an almost theological vision of affluence, their transcendent symbol was an updated version of an old saint. Santa Claus, with his fur-trimmed red suit, sackful of toys, reindeer, sleigh and home at the North Pole, emerged as a major folk figure. He first appeared in semi-modern form in the 1820s, in Clement Moore's An Account of a Visit from Saint Nicholas. By the 1850s and '60s, artists and writers had given wide circulation to the genial and generous American saint that Moore had introduced. Thomas Nast's fanciful Christmas drawings widened the sphere of Santa's rule in the late nineteenth century. Moore had already supplied eight reindeer to pull the sleigh. Nast gave him a workshop and ledgers to record children's conduct. He made him taller and dressed him in red. To this, Nast and others added a home at the North Pole, elves, a wife and even, by some accounts, children.
These amplifications imparted to Santa an ever more human and credible dimension and idealized troublesome aspects of the nation's material and spiritual life. For example, the charming notion that Santa and his tiny helpers supplied all the Christmas toys encoded a highly romantic vision of American capitalism. This Santa reigned without opposition over a vast empire. In a world of practicality, he prospered as a highly successful manufacturer and distributor of toys. From his fur coat to his full girth, he resembled the nation's Gilded Age presidents and its well-fed captains of industry.
Labour conditions were idealized as well. A work force of skilled and reliable elf-labour helped secure Santa's place in the pantheon of American business, These North pole elves were not unlike immigrants working in the nation's sweatshops. Unassimilated, isolated from the rest of society, and undifferentiated by individual name or character, the best of them worked hard, long and unselfishly; Their existence made manifest a maxim that hard work and a cheerful attitude benefited all.
Yet any analogies that might be drawn between Santa's work and late nineteenth-century capitalism lay enmeshed in paradox, for, in significant was, Santa Claus also represented values at odds with the system. He was a robber baron in reverse. Rather than acquire wealth, he shed it yearly. He never purchased gifts, but (with elf help) made his own to give away without regard for financial profit, rewarding hest the most innocent and naive of all – the children. His world lay at some distance from the calumnies and banalities of everyday life. Santa Claus exemplified the realm of dreams, hopes, wishes and beliefs, not from the realities and compromises necessary to negotiate contemporary life.
So powerful a symbol did Santa become that a number of writers and preachers worried that he had become a substitute and rival to Jesus. Centuries earlier Puritans had expressed the same fear about saints in general. Although the faith not only of Puritan Calvinists but of all Christians had modified over the intervening years, America's Protestant culture still looked upon an iconographic, human-like embodiment of Christmas with great suspicion. An evangelical magazine gave a succinct illustration of the danger when it reported in 1906 that one little girl, when told that Santa did not exist, refused to attend Sabbath School. 'Likely as not this Jesus Christ business will turn out just like Santa Claus', she reasoned.
The fear that children might equate San(a with Jesus or God, however, missed an important point. In an age of science, Santa, while not a religious figure per se, represented a palpable medium through which children and adults in late nineteenth-century America could experience and act upon spiritual impulses. In that age (and ours) of material wealth and rational discourse, the ascetic saints of Christianity held no wide appeal, hut Santa allowed one to give and get and also to believe.
Therein lay the significance of the New York Sun's famous discourse on the spiritual meaning of Santa. In 1897, Virginia O'Hanlon asked a plain question of the editor: 'Is there a Santa Claus?' 'Yes, Virginia, there is a Santa Claus', came the terse reply. The answer, though, was not a patent fib designed to placate a youngster, but an exposition on belief itself. 'Virginia, your little friends are wrong', the editor wrote. 'They have been affected by the scepticism of a sceptical age. They do not believe except they see'. Without Santa, he argued:
... there would he no childlike faith then, no poetry, no romance to make tolerable this existence ... Nobody sees Santa Claus, but that is no sign that there is no Santa Claus. Nobody can conceive or imagine all the wonders there are unseen and unseeable in the world.
The durability of the American Christmas may, in fact, rest on its ability to bring to our material and scientific world, against daunting odds, a broadly shared hint of the sacred. It is in the brief December season that Americans, using the language and objects of their culture, recapture ideals and act according to their better selves. In this sense, the nation's Christmas truly brings together the culture's two most disparate yet similarly unbounded projects – to seek wealth and to secure salvation.
Penne Restad is a lecturer in American History at the University of Texas in Austin and the author of Christmas in America. (OUP, 1995).
What is Rosh Hashanah? Rosh Hashanah, literally the “head of the year” is the Jewish New Year. It is a time of inner renewal and divine atonement. What are some Rosh Hashanah practices? One of the common practices of Rosh Hashanah is attending the High Holy Day services, where the shofar can be heard. Many people go to a tashlikh service where they throw bread crumbs or lint into a naturally running body of water as a means of casting away their sins. On the second night of Rosh Hashanah it is customary to eat a new fruit, a symbol of newness.
Memorial Day Memorial Day is much more than a three-day weekend that marks the beginning of summer. To many people, especially the nation's thousands of combat veterans, this day, which has a history stretching back all the way to the Civil War, is an important reminder of those who died in the service of their country. A Memorial Day Tribute https://youtu.be/fy_v1q7u8W0
Fibromyalgia Awareness Day Fibro- is Latin for fibrous tissues, myo- means muscle in Greek and algos- is Greek for pain. Fibromyalgia means muscle and connective tissue pain. Fibromyalgia is not a form of arthritis since it is not associated with joint inflammation. Fibromyalgia is also sometimes called myofibrositis, myofascitis, muscular rheumatism, fibrositis, and generalized musculoligamenous strain. Fibromyalgia Syndrome (FMS) is not a disease. A syndrome is a collection of signs and symptoms known to commonly appear together with no known cause. A disease has a clearly defined reason behind it, a defined group of symptoms and consistent changes in anatomy due to the condition. We do not know what causes the symptoms of Fibromyalgia and they vary greatly from patient to patient and even in the same patient. Because of the mysterious nature of Fibromyalgia, some people, including medical professionals still discount the syndrome, however the pain is VERY real and there is scientific evidence the condition exists. Fibromyalgia is characterized by widespread, generalized pain. Pain is felt on both the right and left side of the body as well as both above and below the waist for 3 months or more. It does not cause inflammation or damage to the joints, muscles or other tissues of the body. Fibromyalgia can be a primary syndrome or it can be a secondary condition brought on by trauma, surgery, or diseases such as Lupus (SLE), Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA), Ankylosing Spondylitis, Lyme Disease, Hepatitis C, Endometriosis, and more. Fibromyalgia is not progressive however it can feel that way as your health deteriorates due to deconditioning. FMS commonly causes disability but does not cause death.
Three Ways to Take Action 1. Watch Your Language. So often we hear and say things like, “You look so good! Have you lost weight?” Such language hardly seems hurtful, but rather, complimentary. However, our continual equation of losing weight to looking better reinforces the faulty logic that feeds eating disorders. People are much more than their appearance, and we should reflect that complexity in the way we compliment them. 2. Know the signs. Has someone you know lost or gained a significant amount of weight in a relatively short period of time? Have they seemed depressed, anxious, or both? Do they disappear after meals or avoid eating socially altogether? Do they spend a disproportionate amount of their time working out? If you can answer “yes” to one or more of these questions take notice, and if you’re worried reach out. Your concerns may not be met warmly, but they may need and want your help. 3. Reach out. Do you know a student who may be struggling with an eating disorder? Speak up and reach out to them. Let them know that struggling is normal and encourage them to seek help on their campus, in the community, or by calling 1-800-273-TALK. A show of support and understanding can go a long way for someone struggling in silence. www.activeminds.org
Each year during September people from all over the world who live with illnesses or physical ailments that are invisible come together to bring awareness about invisible illness and participate in a virtual online seminar, blogging, encouragement and much more.
“It’s all in your head!” What a familiar refrain for those living with chronic illness, pain or disability. Doctors, friends, co-workers and family often make this statement when they can’t “see” what you are going through or find a diagnosis. The invisible nature of many illnesses and disabilities creates an atmosphere of suspicion or disbelief, even by those who are closest to you. People may say, “It’s all in your head” to imply that the person is just making up or exaggerating his or her condition. Many people live with the stigma of this label. Some even feel shame and believe so much that they themselves are to blame that they take their own lives. Maybe it is “all in your head.” There are many conditions that exist as a dysfunction or disease of the brain. Depression, Alzheimer’s, schizophrenia, bipolar, autism, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), traumatic brain injury (TBI), epilepsy, dyslexia, multiple sclerosis, Parkinson’s and ADHD to name a few. These are real disorders and diseases even though they are unseen, and in many cases go undiagnosed or misdiagnosed for years. Jeff Vankooten, a professional speaker and Invisible Disabilities Association executive board member shares his story below: I have bipolar disorder. It has been my constant companion most of my life. It’s like a storm cloud that hovers nearby threatening every day to rain. I’m a different person now than I was before it “kicked in.” I’m more serious and less jovial. I’m more guarded with people. I mistrust my ability to make decisions. The varying highs and lows have created an inconsistent approach to life. Yet, in some ways, it has been a blessing. That may sound counter-intuitive, but I am a richer person because of it. Here are what I find to be the benefits of living under the description of bipolar disorder: • Depth of Empathy: I can uniquely understand the despair of others, and listen with an attentive ear to those who are suffering. That depth of empathy resonates with people who seek me out to be a compassionate ear and persistent source of hope. God has used this illness and redeemed it for the benefit of others. • Strength of Relationships: When I was in college, my roommate learned how to monitor my emotional health. He was not intimated by, or afraid of, my invisible disability. When he sensed I was beginning to spiral into depression, he would get me up and we would walk around the neighborhood together. The walks were special because he would always provide “Swisher Sweet” cigars. They are thin, short cigars with a flavored plastic tip. I’m not sure why, but they played a big role in my recovery. Regardless if you have an invisible disability or not, ask yourself who or what are your “Swisher Sweets”? Though having bipolar disorder has strained some relationships and ruined others, the one with my wife has been solidified. Often marriages dealing with spousal bipolar end in divorce. It can be too much and take its toll on the stability of the relationship. It hasn’t been easy. Nothing of significance ever is. But my wife’s “Swisher Sweets” of patience, compassion, and yes, a swift kick in the butt from time to time, has been invaluable to my life. She gives me the strength to carry on and the joy to participate in life. I love her deeply. • Embracing of Moments: Depression has a tight logic. I can make a pretty convincing case as to why everyone ought to be bummed out. It’s critical to me that I don’t stay in my argument. I need to break through the closed system of despair by embracing each moment of every day that makes up the totality of my time. I relish the moments spent with my children and friends. I savor every dinner and I enjoy every ride at the amusement park. They are all precious moments. Education is a real key in learning about the illnesses people are living with each day. The best way to get this education is to ask the people with the disorder or disease themselves. Take time to learn the language of invisible disabilities. Take time to listen and not pre-judge. Be a friend and comforter, not an accuser. We all need to make it a safe place for people living with brain illnesses, disorders and disease to share their difficulties and triumphs. Let’s remove the stigma and shame and be supportive in any way we can. They can’t just “get over it” or stop being depressed. If someone breaks an arm or a kidney fails, we don’t tell them to simply “snap out of it.” They need real help, and we need to make this world a safe place for them to ask for and to receive it. By listening, learning and loving, we can help them be Invisible No More! This article was first published on Disability.Blog by Disability.gov. May 30, 2012.
Statistics – Chronic Illness Nearly 1 in 2 Americans (133 million) has a chronic condition Chronic Care in America: A 21st Century Challenge, a study of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation & Partnership for Solutions: Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD for the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (September 2004 Update). “Chronic Conditions: Making the Case for Ongoing Care”. By 2020, about 157 million Americans will be afflicted by chronic illnesses, according to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Chronic Care in America That number is projected to increase by more than one percent per year by 2030, resulting in an estimated chronically ill population of 171 million. Chronic Care in America 96% of them live with an illness that is invisible. These people do no use a cane or any assistive device and may look perfectly healthy. 2002 US Census Bureau Sixty percent of the chronically ill are between the ages of 18 and 64. Chronic Care in America 90% of seniors have at least one chronic disease and 77% have two or more chronic diseases The Growing Burden of Chronic Disease in American, Public Heal Reports / May–June 2004 / Volume 119, Gerard Anderson, PhD 9 million people are cancer survivors with various side effects from treatment American Cancer Society The divorce rate among the chronically ill is over 75 percent National Health Interview Survey Depression is 15-20% higher for the chronically ill than for the average person Rifkin, A. “Depression in Physically Ill Patients,” Postgraduate Medicine (9-92) 147-154. However, the significance of one’s faith has shown to lower one’s risk of depressive symptoms and aid one in better handling a stressful medical event. Pressman P., Lyons J.S., Larson D.B., Strain, J.J. “Religious belief, depression, and ambulation status in elderly women with broken hips.” American Journal of Psychiatry 1990; 147(6): 758-760. Various studies have reported that physical illness or uncontrollable physical pain are major factors in up to 70% of suicides Mackenzie TB, Popkin MK: “Suicide in the medical patient.”. Intl J Psych in Med 17:3-22, 1987 and more than 50% of these suicidal patients were under 35 years of age Michalon M: La psychiatrie de consultation-liaison: une etude prospective en milieu hospitalier general. Can J Psychiatry (In French) 38:168-174,1993 About one in four adults suffer from a diagnosable mental disorder in a given year; Kessler RC, Chiu WT, Demler O, Walters EE. Prevalence, severity, and comorbidity of twelve-month DSM-IV disorders in the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R). Archives of General Psychiatry, 2005 Jun;62(6):617-27. and more than 90 percent of people who **** themselves have a diagnosable mental disorder Conwell Y, Brent D. Suicide and aging I: patterns of psychiatric diagnosis. International Psychogeriatrics, 1995; 7(2): 149-64. Four in five health care dollars (78%) are spent on behalf of people with chronic conditions The Growing Burden of Chronic Disease in American, Public Health Reports, MayJune 2004 Volume 119 Gerard Anderson, PhD Those who use their religious faith to cope are significantly less depressed, even when taking into account the severity of their physical illness. In fact, the clinical effects of religious coping showed the strongest benefit among those with severe physical disability. Some 87 patients hospitalized with serious illness who also then suffered depression were followed over time in another study. The patients with a deep, internalized faith recovered faster from the depression, even when their physical condition wasn’t improving. Kendler, K.S., Gardner, C. O., and Prescott, C.A. “Religion, Psychopathology, and Substance Use and Abuse: A Multimeasure, Genetic-Epidemiologic Study,” American Journal of Psychiatry 1997; 154: 322-329. Koenig, Harold G., Larson, David B., and Weaver, Andrew J. “Research on Religion and Serious Mental Illness,” in Spirituality and Religion in Recovery from Mental Illness, ed., Roger Fallott. New Directions for Mental Health Services 1998; (80). http://invisibleillnessweek.com/
April 16 is the Annual Day of Silence. Students vow to be silent on this day to call attention to the silencing effect of anti-LGBT name-calling, bullying and harassment in schools. Hundreds of thousands of students across the country will take part in this student-led action to educate their schools and communities and to encourage others to address the problem of anti-LGBT behavior in schools. Founded in 1996, the Day of Silence has become the largest single student-led action towards creating safer schools for all, regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression. Some LGBT students and straight allies will not speak for most of the day. Instead, they will hand out "speaking cards" which say: "Please understand my reasons for not speaking today. I am participating in the Day of Silence, a national youth movement protesting the silence faced by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and their allies. My deliberate silence echoes that silence, which is caused by harassment, prejudice, and discrimination. I believe that ending the silence is the first step toward fighting these injustices. Think about the voices you are not hearing today. What are you going to do to end the silence?" Participants are silent to symbolize the silencing effect of homophobia/transphobia and anti-gay bullying and harassment. Even today many LGBT individuals feel they must keep their identities secret or face reprisals from friends, family and the culture at large. Nearly 9 out of 10 LGBT students (86.4%) said they had been harassed in the past year, according to GLSEN's 2007 National School Climate Survey of more than 6,000 LGBT students. Additionally, 60.8% said they felt unsafe at school because of their sexual orientation. LGBT youth are especially at risk, but anyone can be negatively impacted by living with oppression. Just one year ago 11-year-old Carl Joseph Walker-Hoover killed himself after experiencing daily anti-gay bullying at school. This event is sponsored by GLSEN, the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network. GLSEN also supports a Federal Anti-Bullying Bill: On the eve of the anniversary of 11-year-old Carl Joseph Walker Hoover's suicide due to bullying, his mother Sirdeaner Walker and GLSEN have launched a petition and call to action in support of the Safe Schools Improvement Act, a federal anti-bullying bill with 101 bipartisan cosponsors. For more information: ANTI-BULLYING RESOURCES JUST THE FACTS ABOUT SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND YOUTH SAFE SCHOOLS IMPROVEMENT ACT drkathleenyoung.wordpress.com/